Brexit Withdrawal Agreement Irish Border

On 17 October 2019, EU heads of state or government and Boris Johnson agreed on a revised withdrawal agreement that replaced the backstop with a new protocol. [71] [72] In essence, this project would de facto cover Northern Ireland in the EU customs union and in the internal market for goods (including the introduction of EU VAT), while allowing Britain to derogate from one another. In December 2019, the British Labour Party announced that it had received a document from the UK Department of Finance using the Freedom of Information Act 2000, which appears to show that the Prime Minister`s draft agreement would require certain types of two-way customs controls between Britain and Northern Ireland. [73] Dublin currently says it will not install controls along the land border. Even if it were, this 500 km long land border is impossible to monitor. There are almost 300 crossing points, more than the entire EU land border with Eastern European countries, which has 137. Johnson, however, called October 15 a date on which the British will withdraw if there is no agreement by then, a very short period of time. The border reaches the sea on two bays: Lough Foyle to the north-west and Carlingford Lough to the east. In the century when Ireland became independent, it and the United Kingdom never defined where the border is in these canals. Both coves are recovered by boats from both nations. [74] When Britain joined the EU, there was no need to resolve the problem, as the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) granted all EU Member States the right to fish in each other`s waters and neighbouring countries still had the right to fish in certain areas 12 nautical miles from each other`s coasts. [75] The two types of ”no-deal Brexit” If the UK and the EU fail to reach an agreement on their future relationship by the end of the year, there are two scenarios.

The first would lead the UK to leave the ”transition period”, which will end at the end of 2020, without an agreement on the future relationship between the EU and the UK, but would respect its commitments already in force under the 2019 Withdrawal Agreement. After the Irish Uprising of 1916, the poet WB Yeats wrote that ”a terrible beauty was born.” The events that followed led to Irish independence from Britain and the division of the island. The customs border, established in 1922, was abolished after 1992 with the creation of the EU`s internal market. This European context – the removal of borders between members for people, goods, services and capital – helped to promote the process that led to the 1998 peace agreement, known as the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement. In October 2019, the new Johnson government renegotiated the project and replaced the backstop. In the new protocol, the whole of the UK leaves the EU customs union as a single customs territory. Northern Ireland will be included in all future UK trade agreements, but will have no tariffs or restrictions on goods crossing the Irish border in either direction, creating a de facto customs border along the Irish Sea with Britain. There is also a unilateral withdrawal mechanism allowing the Northern Ireland Assembly to leave the protocol by a simple majority. [1] [2] [3] This new protocol has been referred to by some as ”Chequers for Northern Ireland” because it is comparable to the British Chequers future plan for future Chequers relations proposed by Theresa May, which had previously been rejected by the EU and criticised by Johnson. [3] The Internal Market Act would also put an end to the state aid agreement reached in last year`s Protocol on Northern Ireland.

The EU and the UK are currently negotiating all other issues relating to the UK`s exit from the EU and the new declaration has had the effect of a bombshell. Unionists feared that the Irish government`s position was a disguised attempt to gain more power over the province in order to promote a united Ireland,[29] a position contested by the Irish government. [30] The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) opposes a hard Irish border[31] and wants to preserve the common travel area. [32] The DUP was the only major NI party to oppose the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. [33] The amendments are, in a way, profoundly technical in nature and relate to the details of the application of the Northern Ireland Protocol – which aims to avoid a hard border in Ireland – to businesses and public spending decisions. . . .